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| 1 | title: IT security: CCC against weakening of encryption by law | ||
| 2 | date: 2019-06-11 20:42:46 | ||
| 3 | updated: 2019-06-14 16:47:27 | ||
| 4 | author: linus | ||
| 5 | tags: update, pressemitteilung, verschlüsselung, bmi | ||
| 6 | |||
| 7 | Chaos Computer Club (CCC) signed the open letter against backdoors. | ||
| 8 | |||
| 9 | <!-- TEASER_END --> | ||
| 10 | |||
| 11 | TO: German Federal Ministry of the Interior, Building and Community | ||
| 12 | |||
| 13 | IN COPY: German Federal Foreign Office, German Federal Ministry of | ||
| 14 | Justice and Consumer Protection, German Federal Ministry of Economic | ||
| 15 | Affairs and Energy, German Federal Office for Information Security | ||
| 16 | |||
| 17 | **Subject: Planned encroachment on encryption of messenger services | ||
| 18 | would have fatal consequences** | ||
| 19 | |||
| 20 | Ladies and Gentlemen, | ||
| 21 | |||
| 22 | the Federal Ministry of the Interior, Building and Community (BMI) plans | ||
| 23 | a change in the law to make it easier for German police and security | ||
| 24 | authorities to gain access to the digital communication of suspects in | ||
| 25 | the future, according to media reports. To this end, providers of | ||
| 26 | messenger services such as Whatsapp, Threema, and iMessage are to be | ||
| 27 | required by law to modify their encryption technology in such a way that | ||
| 28 | authorities can record the entire communication of users in cases which | ||
| 29 | have generated suspicion. ([reported in | ||
| 30 | Gerrman](https://www.spiegel.de/plus/horst-seehofer-greift-whatsapp-an-a-00000000-0002-0001-0000-000164076162)) | ||
| 31 | |||
| 32 | We expressly warn against such a step and demand an immediate | ||
| 33 | renunciation of this or similar political intentions at German and | ||
| 34 | European level. The proposed reform would precipitously reduce the | ||
| 35 | security level of millions of German Internet users, create new gateways | ||
| 36 | for foreign intelligence services and Internet criminals, and massively | ||
| 37 | damage Germany's international reputation as a leading location for a | ||
| 38 | secure and data protection-oriented digital economy. Instead of | ||
| 39 | implementing reform ideas that are years out of date, the German Federal | ||
| 40 | Ministry of the Interior, Building and Community should, in our view, | ||
| 41 | take a new security policy path and develop proposals that improve the | ||
| 42 | work of police and security authorities without downgrading the security | ||
| 43 | of IT systems and private communications in Germany as a whole. | ||
| 44 | |||
| 45 | Our criticism in detail: | ||
| 46 | |||
| 47 | ## The German Crypto Policy | ||
| 48 | |||
| 49 | At the end of May, it became known that the Federal Ministry of the | ||
| 50 | Interior, Building and Community is planning to extend the existing | ||
| 51 | Telecommunications Act to encrypted messengers such as WhatsApp, Signal, | ||
| 52 | Threema, Wire, and Telegram. This means in concrete terms: The operators | ||
| 53 | of these services must redesign their software in such a way that the | ||
| 54 | content of messages can be passed on in unencrypted form to security | ||
| 55 | authorities. Should the operators refuse to do so, their services would | ||
| 56 | be blocked in Germany. Representatives of the British GCHQ describe in | ||
| 57 | their “Ghost Proposal”^[\[1\]](#ftnt1){#ftnt_ref1}^ what a technical | ||
| 58 | implementation of the backdoors in the messenger apps could look like. | ||
| 59 | This proposal has recently been strongly criticized in an open letter by | ||
| 60 | an international alliance of industry, academia, and civil | ||
| 61 | society.^[\[2\]](#ftnt2){#ftnt_ref2}^ | ||
| 62 | |||
| 63 | The BMI proposal undermines twenty years of successful crypto policy in | ||
| 64 | Germany.^[\[3\]](#ftnt3){#ftnt_ref3}^ In the cornerstones of the German | ||
| 65 | Crypto Policy of 1999,^[\[4\]](#ftnt4){#ftnt_ref4}^ the then federal | ||
| 66 | government agreed on a principle that became known under the maxim | ||
| 67 | “security through encryption and security despite encryption”. This | ||
| 68 | principle has since been confirmed several times by the subsequent | ||
| 69 | federal governments. In 2014, Germany even expressed the ambition to | ||
| 70 | become the “No. 1 encryption location”^[\[5\]](#ftnt5){#ftnt_ref5}^ in | ||
| 71 | the world. A break with these commitments would cause lasting damage to | ||
| 72 | Germany's IT security in administration, industry, and society. | ||
| 73 | |||
| 74 | ## Impact on IT security | ||
| 75 | |||
| 76 | The planned obligation on messenger operators would result in operators | ||
| 77 | being required to incorporate a vulnerability in their software. This | ||
| 78 | demands a profound encroachment on the existing complex software systems | ||
| 79 | of the operators. This vulnerability could be exploited by intelligence | ||
| 80 | services and criminals to gain access to sensitive information from | ||
| 81 | individuals, government authorities, and companies. Current | ||
| 82 | examples^[\[6\]](#ftnt6){#ftnt_ref6}^ show that securing a messenger is | ||
| 83 | already complex enough, without incorporating additional vulnerabilities | ||
| 84 | and thus further jeopardizing IT security. | ||
| 85 | |||
| 86 | At the same time, this incorporation of vulnerabilities would enable | ||
| 87 | employees of the operators to view communication content, something | ||
| 88 | which is currently not possible. This not only increases the potential | ||
| 89 | for abuse – a central storage of the required cryptographic | ||
| 90 | keys^[\[7\]](#ftnt7){#ftnt_ref7}^ would also represent a primary target | ||
| 91 | for attackers, which in the case of a successful attack could lead to | ||
| 92 | the disclosure of the communication of all (!) users | ||
| 93 | (Single-Point-of-Failure). | ||
| 94 | |||
| 95 | In addition, the new version of the respective messenger app with a | ||
| 96 | backdoor would have to be installed as a software update. Either all | ||
| 97 | German users or selected German users would receive this backdoor as an | ||
| 98 | update. This process would shake consumer confidence in security updates | ||
| 99 | to the core, and would thus have a lasting negative impact on IT | ||
| 100 | security in Germany. | ||
| 101 | |||
| 102 | Should the messenger operators fail to implement the planned measure, | ||
| 103 | the Ministry of the Interior plans to block their services in Germany. | ||
| 104 | This would also be the only way for the authorities to deal with | ||
| 105 | messengers whose encryption does not require a central operator and in | ||
| 106 | which no backdoors could be implemented by regulation (e.g. Pretty Good | ||
| 107 | Privacy, Off-The-Record). This would inevitably mean that there would no | ||
| 108 | longer be any secure messenger communication within Germany. However, a | ||
| 109 | technical implementation would be virtually impossible, especially for | ||
| 110 | open source messenger apps such as Signal. It would require a dedicated | ||
| 111 | IT infrastructure which deeply encroaches on civil liberties, in order | ||
| 112 | to rule out the bypassing of these blocks (including blocking Virtual | ||
| 113 | Private Networks \[VPNs\] and The Onion Router \[TOR\]), as criminals | ||
| 114 | would be the first to attempt this.^[\[8\]](#ftnt8){#ftnt_ref8}^ | ||
| 115 | |||
| 116 | However, this would not “only” affect German authorities (e.g. police, | ||
| 117 | fire brigade, technical relief), companies and citizens in general, but | ||
| 118 | also people subject to professional confidentiality (e.g. lawyers, | ||
| 119 | clergymen, physicians, journalists, and parliamentarians) and other | ||
| 120 | groups of persons who are in particular need of protection. | ||
| 121 | |||
| 122 | Meanwhile, former intelligence chiefs are increasingly arguing that in | ||
| 123 | the age of cyber crime, data leaks, and espionage, the benefits of | ||
| 124 | comprehensive encryption (without backdoors) more than outweigh the loss | ||
| 125 | of surveillance capability. Strategic interests such as the stability of | ||
| 126 | the IT sector and the IT ecosystem outweigh the tactical interests of | ||
| 127 | prosecutors, such as former NSA chief Michael Hayden and former head of | ||
| 128 | the British domestic intelligence service | ||
| 129 | MI5.^[\[9\]](#ftnt9){#ftnt_ref9}^ | ||
| 130 | |||
| 131 | ## Empirical state of knowledge and alternatives | ||
| 132 | |||
| 133 | In keeping with the cornerstones of the German Crypto Policy, the German | ||
| 134 | federal government decided in 1999 not to weaken encryption (including | ||
| 135 | the installation of backdoors) but to use malware (“State Trojan”) to | ||
| 136 | obtain data before/after encryption. For understandable reasons, the | ||
| 137 | German Federal Constitutional Court set high barriers for this measure. | ||
| 138 | Instead of carrying out an urgently needed needs analysis on the basis | ||
| 139 | of the existing surveillance measures and the | ||
| 140 | overall^[\[10\]](#ftnt10){#ftnt_ref10}^ surveillance account demanded | ||
| 141 | many years ago by the Federal Constitutional Court, a regulation is now | ||
| 142 | to be implemented that ignores^[\[11\]](#ftnt11){#ftnt_ref11}^ more than | ||
| 143 | twenty years of scientific findings in IT security research. | ||
| 144 | |||
| 145 | The often cited hypothesis that secret services and law enforcement | ||
| 146 | authorities no longer have access to relevant data due to encryption | ||
| 147 | (going dark) has not been empirically proven to | ||
| 148 | date.^[\[12\]](#ftnt12){#ftnt_ref12}^ On the contrary, technological | ||
| 149 | developments in recent decades have resulted in more data being | ||
| 150 | available to prosecutors than ever | ||
| 151 | before.^[\[13\]](#ftnt13){#ftnt_ref13}^ The law enforcement authorities | ||
| 152 | have so far documented very little regarding the number of cases where | ||
| 153 | encrypted communication has actually brought investigations to a halt. | ||
| 154 | Nor is there a complete overview of which alternative possibilities for | ||
| 155 | collecting the necessary data are already legal in Germany and where | ||
| 156 | there are still gaps.^[\[14\]](#ftnt14){#ftnt_ref14}^ | ||
| 157 | |||
| 158 | ## International spillover effects | ||
| 159 | |||
| 160 | If this proposal were to be implemented, it would also have a negative | ||
| 161 | impact far beyond Germany's borders. Authoritarian states would refer to | ||
| 162 | this regulation and request corresponding content data from the | ||
| 163 | messenger operators with reference to the fact that this is technically | ||
| 164 | possible, given that it is already being done in Germany. This would | ||
| 165 | massively affect the communication of human rights activists, | ||
| 166 | journalists, and other pursued groups ofpeople – groups of people that | ||
| 167 | German foreign and development aid policy has tried to protect up to now | ||
| 168 | and supports to the tune of billions of Euros annually. Germany must | ||
| 169 | also be aware of its responsibility in the world in this area. By | ||
| 170 | deliberately weakening secure messenger apps, Germany would jeopardize | ||
| 171 | its credibility in foreign policy as an advocate of a free and open | ||
| 172 | Internet.^[\[15\]](#ftnt15){#ftnt_ref15}^ The Network Enforcement Act | ||
| 173 | serves here as a warning of the impact German legislation can have on | ||
| 174 | the world.^[\[16\]](#ftnt16){#ftnt_ref16}^ | ||
| 175 | |||
| 176 | ## Germany as a business location | ||
| 177 | |||
| 178 | Administration, businesses, and consumers must be able to rely on the | ||
| 179 | fact that the use of digital products and services meets the | ||
| 180 | requirements for the protection of their data and the integrity of their | ||
| 181 | systems. For companies in particular, this plays a major role in the | ||
| 182 | choice of their production location. They establish their headquarters | ||
| 183 | in those places where they know their trade secrets and customer data | ||
| 184 | are protected. | ||
| 185 | |||
| 186 | Sabotage and industrial espionage caused 43 billion Euro damage to the | ||
| 187 | industrial sector alone in 2016/2017.^[\[17\]](#ftnt17){#ftnt_ref17}^ It | ||
| 188 | can be assumed that a weakening of encryption will further increase | ||
| 189 | these figures, as built-in backdoors can also be abused by foreign | ||
| 190 | intelligence services and criminals. If Germany wants to be an | ||
| 191 | innovation-friendly and competitive business location, technical | ||
| 192 | backdoors that allow access for third parties must continue to be | ||
| 193 | excluded. | ||
| 194 | |||
| 195 | In addition, Germany is also a location for IT security companies with, | ||
| 196 | among other things, a focus on encryption technologies. The | ||
| 197 | trustworthiness of these companies in particular would be massively | ||
| 198 | jeopardized by the planned intentions. This would weaken Germany as a | ||
| 199 | location for the IT security industry as a whole, which directly | ||
| 200 | contradicts the industrial policy goals of Germany and Europe. | ||
| 201 | |||
| 202 | We expressly warn against the planned intentions of the German Federal | ||
| 203 | Ministry of the Interior, Building and Community to regulate messenger | ||
| 204 | services and demand an immediate abandonment of this and similar | ||
| 205 | political intentions at German and European level. In addition, an | ||
| 206 | official assessment from the following bodies would be required: : | ||
| 207 | |||
| 208 | - The Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy (BMWi) (focus: | ||
| 209 | possible damage to German industry and the digital economy), | ||
| 210 | - of the German Federal Foreign Office (focus: Spillover effects, | ||
| 211 | especially in authoritarian states, loss of Germany’s reputation as | ||
| 212 | an established constitutional state), | ||
| 213 | - German Federal Ministry of Justice and Consumer Protection (focus: | ||
| 214 | loss of consumer confidence), | ||
| 215 | - Federal Office for Information Security (focus: jeopardizing IT | ||
| 216 | Security in Germany for the state, industry, and society). | ||
| 217 | |||
| 218 | Yours sincerely | ||
| 219 | |||
| 220 | [**German version**](/de/updates/2019/encrypted-messengers) | ||
| 221 | |||
| 222 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------ | ||
| 223 | |||
| 224 | ## Links: | ||
| 225 | |||
| 226 | - [\[1\]](#ftnt_ref1){#ftnt1} [Ian Levy, Crispin Robinson: Principles | ||
| 227 | for a More Informed Exceptional Access | ||
| 228 | Debate](https://www.lawfareblog.com/principles-more-informed-exceptional-access-debate) | ||
| 229 | - [\[2\]](#ftnt_ref2){#ftnt2} [Coalition Letter: Open Letter to | ||
| 230 | GCHQ](https://newamericadotorg.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/Coalition_Letter_to_GCHQ_on_Ghost_Proposal_-_May_22_2019.pdf) | ||
| 231 | - [\[3\]](#ftnt_ref3){#ftnt3} [Sven Herpig, Stefan Heumann: Encryption | ||
| 232 | Debate in | ||
| 233 | Germany](https://carnegieendowment.org/2019/05/30/encryption-debate-in-germany-pub-79215) | ||
| 234 | - [\[4\]](#ftnt_ref4){#ftnt4} [Die Raven-Homepage: Eckpunkte der | ||
| 235 | deutschen | ||
| 236 | Kryptopolitik](https://hp.kairaven.de/law/eckwertkrypto.html) (The | ||
| 237 | Cornerstones of German Crypto Policy) | ||
| 238 | - [\[5\]](#ftnt_ref5){#ftnt5} [Die Bundesregierung: Digitale Agenda | ||
| 239 | 2014 - | ||
| 240 | 2017](https://www.bmwi.de/Redaktion/DE/Publikationen/Digitale-Welt/digitale-agenda.pdf?__blob%253DpublicationFile%2526v%253D3) | ||
| 241 | - [\[6\]](#ftnt_ref6){#ftnt6} [Jürgen Schmidt: Kritische | ||
| 242 | Sicherheitslücke gefährdet Milliarden | ||
| 243 | WhatsApp-Nutzer](https://www.heise.de/security/meldung/Kritische-Sicherheitsluecke-gefaehrdet-Milliarden-WhatsApp-Nutzer-4186365.html) | ||
| 244 | (Critical vulnerability threatens billions of WhatsApp users) und | ||
| 245 | [Marius Mestermann: Ernster iPhone-Bug: Apple schaltet | ||
| 246 | FaceTime-Gruppenanrufe | ||
| 247 | ab](https://www.spiegel.de/politik/deutschland/nachrichten-am-morgen-die-news-in-echtzeit-a-1249669.html) | ||
| 248 | (Apple turns off FaceTime group calls) | ||
| 249 | - [\[7\]](#ftnt_ref7){#ftnt7} This is one possible implementation of | ||
| 250 | these backdoors. There are also other implementation possibilities, | ||
| 251 | but these are technically no less problematic. | ||
| 252 | - [\[8\]](#ftnt_ref8){#ftnt8} [Matthias Schulze: Überwachung von | ||
| 253 | WhatsApp und Co. Going dark? (Monitoring of WhatsApp and | ||
| 254 | Co.)](http://percepticon.de/2019/06/04-going-dark/) | ||
| 255 | - [\[9\]](#ftnt_ref9){#ftnt9} [Michael Hayden: The Pros and Cons of | ||
| 256 | Encryption](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v%253D6HNnVcp6NYA) and | ||
| 257 | [The Guardian: Ex-MI5 Chef warns against crackdown on encrypted | ||
| 258 | messaging | ||
| 259 | apps](https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2017/aug/11/ex-mi5-chief-warns-against-crackdown-encrypted-messaging-apps) | ||
| 260 | - [\[10\]](#ftnt_ref10){#ftnt10} [Constanze Kurz: | ||
| 261 | Überwachungsgesamtrechnung: Vorratsdatenspeicherung ist der Tropfen, | ||
| 262 | der das Fass zum Überlaufen | ||
| 263 | bringt](https://netzpolitik.org/2015/ueberwachungsgesamtrechnung-vorratsdatenspeicherung-ist-der-tropfen-der-das-fass-zum-ueberlaufen-bringt/) | ||
| 264 | (Overall Surveillance Account: Blanket Data Retention is the Straw | ||
| 265 | that Broke the Camel’s Back) | ||
| 266 | - [\[11\]](#ftnt_ref11){#ftnt11} [Danielle Kehl, Andi Wilson, Kevin | ||
| 267 | Bankston: Doomed to repeat history? Lessons from the Crypto Wars of | ||
| 268 | the | ||
| 269 | 1990s](https://static.newamerica.org/attachments/3407-doomed-to-repeat-history-lessons-from-the-crypto-wars-of-the-1990s/Crypto%252520Wars_ReDo.7cb491837ac541709797bdf868d37f52.pdf) | ||
| 270 | - [\[12\]](#ftnt_ref12){#ftnt12} [Matthias Schulze, Going Dark? | ||
| 271 | Dilemma zwischen sicherer, privater Kommunikation und den | ||
| 272 | Sicherheitsinteressen von | ||
| 273 | Staaten.](http://www.bpb.de/apuz/259141/going-dark?p%253Dall) | ||
| 274 | (Dilemma between secure, private communication and the security | ||
| 275 | interests of states.) | ||
| 276 | - [\[13\]](#ftnt_ref13){#ftnt13} [Peter Swire, The FBI Doesn’t Need | ||
| 277 | More Access: We’re Already in the Golden Age of | ||
| 278 | Surveillance](https://www.justsecurity.org/17496/fbi-access-golden-age-surveillance/) | ||
| 279 | and [Matthias Schulze: Clipper Meets Apple vs. FBI—A Comparison of | ||
| 280 | the Cryptography Discourses from 1993 and | ||
| 281 | 2016](https://www.cogitatiopress.com/mediaandcommunication/article/view/805) | ||
| 282 | - [\[14\]](#ftnt_ref14){#ftnt14} [Sven Herpig: A Framework for | ||
| 283 | Government Hacking in Criminal | ||
| 284 | Investigations](https://www.stiftung-nv.de/sites/default/files/framework_for_government_hacking_in_criminal_investigations.pdf) | ||
| 285 | - [\[15\]](#ftnt_ref15){#ftnt15} [Matthias Schulze: Verschlüsselung in | ||
| 286 | Gefahr](https://www.swp-berlin.org/publikation/verschluesselung-in-gefahr/) | ||
| 287 | (Encryption in danger) and [Cathleen Berger: Is Germany | ||
| 288 | (involuntarily) setting a global digital | ||
| 289 | agenda?](https://medium.com/@_cberger_/is-germany-involuntarily-setting-a-global-digital-agenda-21c7eb735e26) | ||
| 290 | - [\[16\]](#ftnt_ref16){#ftnt16} [Reporter ohne Grenzen: Russland | ||
| 291 | kopiert Gesetz gegen | ||
| 292 | Hassbotschaften](https://www.reporter-ohne-grenzen.de/russland/alle-meldungen/meldung/russland-kopiert-gesetz-gegen-hassbotschaften/) | ||
| 293 | (Russia copied law against hate messages) | ||
| 294 | - [\[17\]](#ftnt_ref17){#ftnt17} [bitkom: Spionage, Sabotage und | ||
| 295 | Datendiebstahl – Wirtschaftsschutz in der | ||
| 296 | Industrie](https://www.bitkom.org/sites/default/files/file/import/181008-Bitkom-Studie-Wirtschaftsschutz-2018-NEU.pdf) | ||
| 297 | (Espionage, sabotage and data theft – economic protection in | ||
| 298 | industry) | ||
